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#Just paste it isis series#
This paper series argues that the West does have one powerful tool that can help shape hybrid threat actors. Given these hybrid threats, how should Western states respond? Are there any tools available Western states have that can draw red lines into blurred lines of hybrid conflict? Belligerent powers introduce a new model of conflict fought by proxy, across domains, and below the conventional war threshold to advance their foreign policy goals while limiting decisive responsiveness of their victim. An assessment rubric for students’ reflective and meta-reflective texts was also designed and tested as part of the study.Ĭonflicts between states have taken on new forms and hybrid operations play an increasingly important role in this volatile environment. The study highlights two main factors in the success of this combination, namely the importance of structuring guidelines and prompts for both reflection and meta-reflection to take place, and taking into account the age (average 17 years old) and multiple national backgrounds of the participants. This study focuses on a technically non-demanding way of combining two existing online tools and appropriating their use towards a two-fold pedagogical goal: (a) students’ creation and sharing of reflective narrations on their experience of a practice-oriented social science methods introductory course using and (b) their subsequent meta-reflection on these narrations using the course’s online Discussion Forum. In higher education, where students’ autonomy is even more desired, the design of online learning experiences that focus on reflective thinking has always been a principal focus, due to the relation between reflection and self-regulated learning. The recent emergency remote teaching experiences caused by the Covid-19 pandemic have placed a forced attention on existing online pedagogical tools and intelligent ways of combining them to reinforce student presence in the learning environment. It has to be stressed, however, that AHP failed to spark increased attention of Internet users. The only active (still updated) locations-partially related to Ahlut-Tawhid Publications-belonged to the Bengali Ansar network. It is clear that the attention given to proliferating propaganda through the surface web decreased at this time, probably in favor of the Telegram communication software, as the discovered statistics suggest. This ceased to be the case in 2019, when most of them were incapacitated (banned) by law enforcement or abandoned. In effect, it benefited from its relative anonymity and for months operated a network of pro-IS distribution channels throughout Web 1.0 and Web 2.0 environments. In contrast to the most recognized propaganda cells of Daesh, such as al-Hayat Media Centre or Amaq News Agency whose productions have been quickly detected and removed from the mainstream webpages for years, AHP kept a low profile for the most part of 2018. It maintained quite an impressive and long-lasting online presence, combining the potential of the most popular microblogs, hosting services and social media with the flexibility of standalone websites. It also deliberates on the interconnectedness of AHP with other online propaganda cells supporting the self-proclaimed “Caliphate.” This paper argues that this group was part of the ongoing online campaign of the Islamic State in the World Wide Web in 20. Its means of distributing pro-Daesh content in the surface web as well as its general impact are discussed. Based on tools of open source intelligence, as well as a limited content analysis, it maps the online presence and activities of Ahlut-Tawhid Publications (AHP). This paper, which takes the form of a case study, aims to contribute to the debate on activities of the Islamic State’s unofficial media bureaus.
#Just paste it isis full#
Full text-view only version of the paper.